Have Articles 226 and 32 led to denial of Justice. Will repeal of it lead to injustice?

Ambedkar described Article 32 as the very heart and soul of the Constitution. Our founding fathers, many of whom were victims of illegal arrest and confinement, being part of the freedom struggle, incorporated in our constitution, Part III, fundamental rights. By virtue of Article 32 of the Constitution a citizen can approach the Supreme court for the enforcement of his/her fundamental rights and that very right to access the Supreme Court itself was declared to be a fundamental right. It is almost 70 years since the Constitution came into existence. I as a lawyer being in the bar for 36 years, so too the common man, wonder whether the said Article is of any relevance except to the super rich and powerful like TATA qua Radia tapes, Harsh mandar the messiah of the poor, Arnab Goswami and a few lawyers like Prashant Bhushan, Indira Jaising who are the self appointed guardians of public interest, whose only vocation is the institution of PILs on matters which fall within the exclusive province of the legislature and executive and strategically use the Supreme Court as a means to achieve their political objectives, fame, name and other collateral designs. Article 32 in my view, far from being an instrument of enforcement of fundamental rights of the ordinary citizen, has largely been reduced to being a tool in the hands of the mighty and the powerful to use court as an instrument for the advancement of their narrow designs. The vast majority of the Writ petition instituted in the SC are dismissed by one line orders. The manifest reason offered is that the judges are over burdened, and certainly they are, to write detailed judgments stating what the grievance of the litigant and the reasons why the relief is declined.

What is stated of Article 32 to a great extent is true about Article 226, except for High courts like Kerala. In Bombay High Court a petition under Article 226 does not even see the light of day for months or years, for practically only those cases which judges agree to hear in priority upon mentioning alone are heard. It cannot be denied that judges agree to hear cases out of turn at the request of senior lawyers or those who are perceived to enjoy great face value. Assuming that the cases of the ordinary lawyer is taken up for hearing, most of such writ petitions are dismissed on the ground of maintainability. For the benefit of an ordinary reader I must explain that unlike a suit, the maintainability of which no authority is required to be pleaded, for there is an inherent right of access to justice to institute a suit, writ petition is entirely discretionary. When a young lawyer who has taken up the cause of the common citizen is on his feet arguing a case under Article 226 he is confronted with a long line of queries, namely, a) whether he has an efficacious alternative ‘remedy’, meaning thereby whether he has any alternative forum, b) if he has, whether he has exhausted it, c) whether the respondents against whom reliefs are sought are a state or instrumentalities of the state, though Article 226 does not state that writ cannot be sought against a non-state respondent. The further question is whether the case pleaded involves disputed questions of fact which it is settled that is a sufficient reason to decline the plea. Assuming that the young lawyer representing the cause of a poor man is able to overcome these hurdles, then also, the admission of the writ petition is not guaranteed because the jurisdiction is considered to be extraordinary and discretionary. Assuming a young lawyer is able to overcome all these hurdles, then also, justice is a mirage for him because the court is under no obligation to consider and decide the various issues raised by him because unlike a suit no issues are framed, no oral evidence is allowed to be adduced for or against the rival claims. The adjudication is summary and in vast majority of the cases, the litigant is denied justice.

I believe the overwhelming majority of lawyers and litigants will agree with me on the above premise, namely, that a summary adjudication is a synonym for injustice. The question therefore is, what is the solution. Even the worst critics of the colonial raj admit that we inherited from the British a great legal system. Our High Courts, the Federal courts and Privy Council which was the supreme judicial tribunal during the British times, were held in high esteem for the quality of justice delivered- the fairness, impartiality, erudition and independence of the people who manned it. The great tribute which the Constituent Assembly paid to the Privy Council is the undeniable proof of the same. The point I am driving home is that Articles 32 and 226 has largely failed to render justice to the poor litigant because the jurisdiction which it exercises is discretionary, summary, which has meant that petitions are often dismissed in limine, sometimes even by judgements which do not exceed one sentence. Could we blame the judges alone for the calamity which Articles 32 and 226 have now been reduced to.

The classical Roman lawyers believed that a legal system which afford the least discretion to a judge, is the best and vice versa, the maxim being: optimam esse legum, quae minimum relinquit arbitrio judicis; id quod certitudo ejus praestat – that law is the best which leaves least discretion to the judge; and this is an advantage which results from certainty. Articles 32 and 226 can deliver justice only if the said proceedings are conducted in the manner an ordinary civil trial is conducted. The question therefore is, can the Supreme court under Article 32 be a court of original jurisdiction empowered and duty bound to adjudicate a lis before it by conducting an ordinary trial. The answer can only be an emphatic no. Yet, our Supreme court has allowed itself to be a defacto court of ordinary original civil jurisdiction entertaining petitions under Article 32. The classic example is the Sabarimala case, a so-called PIL by Young Indian Lawyers Association. The case involved intricate factual and legal issues which could have only been adjudicated by a civil court was entertained by the SC on the erroneous premise that the case involved a challenge to the constitutionality of Rule 3(b) of the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship (Authorisation of Entry) Rules, 1965. (Para 53 of the judgement).

No less eminent a judge as then Chief Justice of India, Shri Deepak Misra entertained the PIL on the premise that a civil court has no jurisdiction to declare an Act of Parliament or a statutory instrument to be unconstitutional. The misconception that the concept of judicial review is the gift of the constitution and that before the constitution came into existence no fundamental rights existed is so widespread that it has become the virtual truth. My humble attempt is to disabuse this misconception which I believe I can in simple words.

Did the concept of judicial review exist prior to the constitution coming into force? The answer is an emphatic yes. When the Romans went to England, they took the Roman law with them. The Roman law together with precedents, statutes and customs became the common law. The British who came to India brought with them the common law, though the British East India Company did not interfere with the personal laws and customs of the Indians. With the taking over of the governance of India from the East India Company by the British Parliament by virtue of the Government of India Act of 1858 which was later substituted by the Acts of 1915 and 1935, common law became our law. The Government of India Act of 1935 was the constitutional law of British India. It provided for federal and state legislatures. The necessary corollary thereof is the introduction of the concept of ‘ultra vires’ which means that any federal law or provincial law which is in conflict with the constitutional law, namely the Government of India Act was liable to be declared to be unconstitutional. What was the procedure to secure such a declaration by a person aggrieved? At that time, we had three chartered High Courts, namely, the High courts of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay as a successor of the Supreme Courts of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay respectively and the High Courts of Lahore, Allahabad, Nagpur, Punjab, Pepsu etc. However, except the Chartered High courts of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras, none of the other High courts were invested of any writ jurisdiction. The writ jurisdiction of the High courts of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras did not travel beyond the Presidency Towns. However, the High Courts of Allahabad, Lahore, Pepsu, etc. which had no writ jurisdiction entertained pleas seeking declaration that the Acts of the federal and state legislatures, so too statutory instruments as ultra vires the Government of India Act, which is a constitutional Act. What was the means by which such a judicial review was sought? For the answer to the question, one need only refer to Order 27 A of the CPC, which was inserted by virtue of Act no. 23 of 1942. You will find that it was by means of an ordinary civil suit. The only limitation was that notice ought to be given to the Attorney General/Advocate General depending on whether the statute under challenge is by the federal legislature or provincial legislature.

We have borrowed the concept of fundamental rights, equality before law and equal protection of law and due process of law from US Constitution who inturn had borrowed from the Bill of Rights. The fundamental rights, though not christened as such, were part of the common law. The founding fathers by enacting Part III of the Constitution accorded it a place of pride. Article 13 (2) of the Constitution in categorical terms declare that a law which takes away or abridges the fundamental rights, to be void. Which means that if a fundamental right is violated, for the enforcement of the same, a suit for declaration, which is a substantive/constitutive remedy and an appropriate remedy which is procedural or executory in nature will lie. Prior to the coming into force of the constitution as aforesaid, remedies such as writ of mandamus, certiorari, prohibition, mandamus which were granted by the chartered High courts were by virtue of a suit. The writ of Habeas corpus was granted by virtue of Section 491A of the CrPC of 1898. In short, prior to the coming into force of the constitution, by means of ordinary civil suits, all the remedies which the High courts and Supreme courts grant today which are generally described to be in the discharge of the function of the Supreme court and high courts as constitutional courts, were readily granted . Before the Constituent Assembly undertook the discussion on the current Article 226, it undertook a discussion on draft Article 204, renumbered as Article 228 of the constitution. Article 228, which is in absolute disuse today, provides that ‘if the High court is satisfied that a case pending in a court subordinate to it involves a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of this Constitution, the determination of which is necessary for the disposal of the case, it shall withdraw the case and may a) either dispose of the case itself, b) or determine the said question of law and return the case to the court from which the case has been so withdrawn together with a copy of its judgment on such question, and the said court shall in receipt thereof proceed to dispose of the case in conformity with such judgment’. The said Article was adopted after an elaborate discussion. What the founding fathers destined was that the ordinary civil courts shall as court of records of plenary jurisdiction, shall decide all questions of law and fact which is before it, including questions as to the interpretation of the constitution, leaving the discretion to the High court to withdraw to itself and decide questions as to the interpretation of the constitution. Article 226 was enacted from an entirely different angle. As indicated above, during the era of the East India Company, it was felt that the British citizens living in the Presidency Towns of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras shall be governed by the common law of England and with that view in mind, the Supreme Courts of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras were established under a charter of the Crown, vesting on it the powers and jurisdiction of the Kings Bench in England. That was the time when in England there were “two streams of justice, flowing together, the waters of which did not mix”, a metaphor for the two streams of administration of justice, namely, the Chancery courts and the Common law courts. The writ jurisdiction which the chartered High courts exercise were as successors of the Supreme courts and there was really no need for retaining that jurisdiction in the said high courts after independence because the civil courts as it stood before the coming into force of the constitution had all the powers to grant all kinds of remedies, be it common law, equitable or declaratory or called differently as constitutive and executory or procedural. The reason is simple. In England the two streams of justice merged into one by virtue of the Judicature Act of 1873 which was substituted by the Judicature Act of 1875. In short, Article 226, so too Article 32 were two Articles which were superfluous and ought not have been enacted at all. However, it came to be enacted because the prerogative writs exercised by the three chartered High courts had great glory and there came a question as to why the said prerogative writs should not be extended to other High Courts. The founding fathers couldn’t have imagined that one day Articles 226 and 32 will become a bane not a boon so far as enforcement of the rights of the common litigant is concerned.
The said extension of the writ jurisdiction appeared then to be a innocuous proposition and was readily acceded to. Let me not mince words, Articles 32 and 226 outlived its utility, while I concede that it did indeed have a great, benevolent role immediately after the coming into force of the constitution. Now however, it has become an instrument of little utility, an insignia of discrimination, for the ordinary lawyer whom a common litigant engages, is baffled with the limitless hurdles he has to face, namely that no writ will lie on questions of fact, that no writ will lie against a person who is not a state, that he has not exhausted alternative forums, often incorrectly referred to as ‘remedy’, that the jurisdiction is extraordinary and discretionary and not a matter of right, while a powerful litigant, who can afford to engage a celebrity lawyer faces none of these questions.

Let me conclude, the lawyers are unhappy because the judges hardly afford them a hearing, the litigants are unhappy because cases involving even their very lives and liberties itself, involving their business, even residential homes are rejected by judges exercising their jurisdiction under Article 226, summarily, devastating them. What I have noticed is that if a litigant were to be denied of his very life, liberties and property after a fair trial where he had the opportunity to raise all the issues, lead evidence in support of his case, so too to contradict the evidence appearing against him, and a detailed judgment is delivered dealing with all the issues raised, then even if he were to lose the case, he is not dissatisfied. He is left with the feeling that justice has been done and a provision for appeal gives him an assurance that there is room to secure correction of the error of the judicial decision. Articles 226 and 32 are often equated to gambling where high profile lawyers with face value can make a difference, atleast the perception being so will destroy the institution of judiciary beyond redemption. We have to go back to the days of the our colonial masters. There is nothing wrong in accepting whatever is good as their legacy which undoubtedly the legal system we inherited from them is. The English Legal System is founded on the legal principle ‘ubi jus ibi remedium’- where there is a right there is a remedy, and access to justice was considered to be the birth right of a subject. We inherited from them the ordinary civil court of plenary jurisdiction empowered and duty bound to embark upon an enquiry on any controversy under the sun. And to grant legal and equitable remedies. Articles 226 and 32 took away the prestine glory of the civil courts. They are the real constitutional courts of original jurisdiction. It is in a state of extreme neglect and decay. We need to restore its prestine glory and put to use Article 228, and that is the only and simple solution for making justice really accessible to the common man.

Preamble of Indian Constitution

-by Deepanshi Rajput


The idea of preamble is taken from the USA. And, USA is the first country which have used the preamble very first time. The concept of “we the People” structured copied from USA. Nani Palkivale is the God of lawyers which defined the preamble is the “Identity Card of the constitution”. So, Preamble is the summary and essence of the constitution. “objective Resolution”, drafted and moved by Pandit Nehru. It is not the plan, on which the constitution has made, rather it is the objective resolution on 13th December, 1946 and later on 22nd January, 1947 we have adopted the preamble and adopted by Constituent Assembly. The main objective of Indian Constitution is as to Justice, liberty, fraternity, dignity of individual and unity & integrity of nation.

Importance of Preamble-

  1. It shows our political, moral & religious philosophy.
  2. Political Horoscope- by KM Munshi.
  3. It has been described the keynote of the constitution of India.
  4. Preamble gives us the direction (lighthouse) true or false.
  5. Preamble is summary of the Constitution.

Is it amendable?

Amended only once but can’t remove the ideals like Democratic, Republic, Secularism- Basic structure part. Preamble can be amendable as a whole. Socialist, Secular, Intergrity amended by 42nd Amendment, 1976.

Objectives of the Preamble

  1. The ultimate aim of the makers of the constitution was to have a welfare state and an egalitarian society projecting the aim and aspirations of the freedom movement.
  2. The preamble was adopted by the constituent assembly only after the constitution had been approved. The idea was to express in a few words the provisions of the Constitution.

Constitutional Value of Preamble

  • The Preamble is a legitimate aid in the construction of the provisions of the constitution –observed by Maxwell.
  • For the purpose of interpretation, the preamble of the constitution stands in the same position as the Preamble of an Act. –observed by Lord Halsbury, LC in Powell vs Kempton Park Race Course Co., 1899.
  • The preamble of Act can be referred to explain the elucidate only the ambiguous and inexplicit provisions of the Act. The Preamble is not considered to be a part of the act – observed by Lord Normand in Attorney General vs H.R.H Prince Emest Augustus of Hanover, 1957.
  • The preamble to the Indian Constitution was not a part of the constitution –observed by Gajendragadkar, J in Re Berubari Union & Exchange of Enclave, AIR 1960 SC 845.
  • The preamble to the constitution was a part of the constitutions and the observations to the contrary in Berubart union were not correct –observed by Keshavnanda Bharti v. State of kerala, AIR 1973.

Ideals or nature of the Indian constitution

  1. SOVEREIGN: Sovereignty is one of the essential attributes of state in jurisprudential terms. COOLEY defines a sovereign state as one where there resides within itself a supreme and absolute power acknowledging no superior. However it is submitted that in this sense, no state today can be said to be an absolute sovereign as international obligations, treaties etc. put restraints and erode sovereignty. However it can be to the contrary, also be argued that even international obligations are undertaken by the states with their own violation. Nevertheless in domestic area, a sovereign state has absolute sovereignty. The Preamble to the US constitution speaks in the name of “we the people of united states”. The history of the constitution clearly brings out the fact that sovereignty in US is divided between the union and the states. But in India, despite a division of powers between the centre and states, there is no division of sovereignty. The union can override the states in national interest during emergencies, and even during normal times, it can invade the state’s sphere by legislating on state subjects on same occasions. The federal supremacy, despite a federal structure, has been asserted State of West Bengal vs Union of India, 1962 & State of Rajasthan vs Union of India, 1977. There is no division of sovereignty in India and the states have no right to succeed from the union. Articles 1 to 4 of the constitution clearly depict the supremacy of the union in matter of cession, acquisition of territories and also alteration of names and boundaries of states or the diminishing of their areas. The citizenship is also only one in India and not a dual citizenship as in the U.S. thus there is no division of sovereignty in India.
    Where does the sovereignty vest?
    The preamble uses the words “we the people of India”. Seervai was the earlier of the view that constitution is a result of India Independence Act and not “We the people”. This view was strongly opposed by Prof. Tripathi who was supported by Prof. Conard who said: Constitutions are self created and not a combination of some other laws, Seervai later on, changed his view and deleted the words from his book. In all constitutions it is the people who give the constitution. e.g. US constitution was made by representatives of the colonies and its ratification was done by the colonies. Yet it starts with “we the people of the US”. The idea behind this is that a constitution is a creation of all the people and not a group of individuals or some older law. Case- Synthetics and chemicals Ltd. vs State of U.P., 1999 ISCC 109, in this case court held that sovereignty is the exercise of sovereign power which gives the state sufficient authority to enact any law subject to the limitations of the constitution to discharge its functions.
    The India state, within the centre and the states has sovereign power to legislate on all branches subject to the limitations as to the division of power between the centre & the states and also subjects to the fundamental rights guaranteed under the constitution. Police power is not the same as the sovereign power of state.
  2. SOCIALIST: It was added by the 42nd Amendment. Earlier also, the resolve to secure to all citizens economic, justice and equality of status & opportunity was there in the preamble. Article 39(b) & (c) of DPSP are the charters of social and economic liberties of the people. To various men, it means various things Marxist or Leninist socialism is different from Nehruian and Gandhian socialism. However, it is difficult to define socialism as it has no where defined in the constitution. The 45th amendment tried to define it mean ‘free from all forms of exploitation- social, economic and political’. Case- Delhi Science forum vs Union of India, 1996 2 SCC 405, in the case Supreme Court held that constitution does not lay down any economic policies. The privatization of telecom sector cannot be held invalid only on the ground that it is the contrary to the idea of socialism. India socialism is different from Marxist socialism.

There are manifold implications of this Judgment-

  • Laws cannot be invalidated only on the ground of the Preamble. Specific limitation have to be read in the constitution itself.
  • Socialism will continue to have a different meaning unless a necessity arises to delete it.
  • Even in China an essentially communist country, a free market economy has been without changing the constitution.
  • Most significantly the validity of socialist in the preamble has not been challenged yet.
    3. SECULAR: This was added by 42nd amendment. Secular is a vague term to be defined. Dictionary defines it as ‘irreligious’ or ‘not concerned with religion’. An academic definition has been attempted by Donald Eugene Smith- “the secular state is a state which gives individual and corporate freedom of religion is not constitutionally connected to a particular religion, nor does it seek either to promote or interfere with religion.
  • Justice Desai added to the above definition that a secular state deals with the individual as a citizen irrespective of his religion.
  • Equality ofreligions is the only meaning that can be attributed to the term secularism owning to the peculiarity of the Indian situation. Secularism does not mean ‘irreligious’ or ‘anti-religious’.
  • ‘Indian secularism sought to establish a rational synthesis between the legitimate functions of religion and the legitimate & expanding functions of the state’ –observed by Justice Gajendragadkar.
  • Before the 42nd amendment, as per Article 25(2) the state was empowered to regulate or restrict any “secular activity” associated with religious practice. Here, the word ‘secular’ essentially meant non- religious. The 42nd amendment merely made explicit what was earlier implicit in the constitution. Keshavananda Bharti Case, 1972; Minerva Mills Case, 1980; S.R. Bommai Case, 1994; in these cases SC held that Secularism is a basic structure feature of the Indian constitution.
  • Democratic: Democratic, as opposed to autocracy, aristocracy or monarchy means a government by people. Demos means ‘people’ and Kratos means ‘government’ which means the people irrespective of factors like, caste, religion, economic level etc. are equal in the eyes of law and manage their own affairs themselves. They have an inalienable right to rule themselves. The concepts of justice, equality, liberty & fraternity are an embodiment of democratic principles in the preamble. In India democracy is in the wider sense of political, economic & social democracy. The institution set up under the constitution shall seek to give effect to democracy in India which is to be sustained by adult suffrage, fundamental rights and independent judiciary.
  • Case: Indira Nehru Gandhi vs Raj Narain, 1975, in this case SC held that Democracy is a basic structure feature of the Indian Constitution and free & fair elections is also impliedly a basic feature.
  • Republic: “A rebulician form of government as ‘a government by representatives chosen by the people” defined by Cooley. “Republic as a government which derives its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people and is administered by personal holding their offices during pleasure, for a limited period, or during good behavior” defined by Madison.

In a republic the executive head or the president is not a hereditary monarch but elected representatives. Even India’s membership of the common wealth of nations does not detract it from its republican character. That is an external arrangement and the queen has not been recognized as the head of the country.

Prespectives and Challenges of Child Labour

Introduction and History

  • Child labour is one of the oldest problems in our society and still an ongoing issue. During the time, child labor evolved from working in agriculture or small handicraft workshops to being forced into work in factories in the urban setting as a result of the industrial revolution.
  • Children were very profitable assets since their pay was very low, were less likely to strike, and were easy to be manipulated.
  • Socio-economic disparities and lack of access to education are among others contributing to the child labor. Religious and cultural beliefs can be misguiding and concealing in delineating the limits of child labor.
  • Child labor prevents physical, intellectual, and emotional development of children. To date, there is no international agreement to fully enforced child labor. This public health issue demands a multidisciplinary approach from the education of children and their families to development of comprehensive child labor laws and regulations.
  • With the increase of education, economy, and the emergence of labor laws, child labor decreased. However, child labor is still a widespread problem in many parts of the world in developed and developing countries. With the development of agriculture, children were again forced to be employed mostly by the families rather than factories. The main cause of child labor is the lack of schools and poverty.
  • Child labour is an old problem well rooted in human history. Children were exploited to various extents during different periods of time. The problem was common in poor and developing countries.
  • In the 1800’s, child labour was part of economic life and industrial growth. Children less than 14 years old worked in agriculture, factories, mining, and as street vendors.
  • Children from poor families were expected to participate to the family income, and sometimes they worked in dangerous conditions in 12-hour shifts. In the 1900’s, in England, more than a quarter of poor families lost their children to diseases and death, endangering their extra financial support.
  • Boys worked in glass factories in high heat in three shifts because the furnaces were kept fired all the time to increase productivity, while girls were forced into prostitution. In 1910, it was estimated that more than two million children in the United States were working.  Children are future citizens of the Nation and their adequate development is utmost priority of the country.
  • Unfortunately, child labour engulfs children across the world. The world is home to 1.2 billion individuals aged 10-19 years.
  • However, despite its menace in various forms, the data shows variation in prevalence of child labour across the globe and the statistical figures about child labour are very alarming.
  • There are an estimated 186 million child labourers worldwide. The 2001 national census of India estimated total number of child labour aged 5–14 to be at 12.6 million. Small-scale and community-based studies have found estimated prevalence of 12.6 million children engaged in hazardous occupations. Many children are “hidden workers” working in homes or in the underground economy.
  • Although the Constitution of India guarantees free and compulsory education to children between the age of 6 to 14 and prohibits employment of children younger than 14 in 18 hazardous occupations, child labour is still prevalent in the informal sectors of the Indian economy.
  • Child labour violates human rights, and is in contravention of the International Labour Organization (Article 32, Convention Rights of the Child).
  • About one-third of children of the developing world are failing to complete even 4 years of education. Indian population has more than 17.5 million working children in different industries, and incidentally maximum are in agricultural sector, leather industry, mining and match-making industries, etc.
  • The term “child labor” is often defined as work that deprives children of their childhood, their potential and their dignity, and that is harmful to physical-mental development.
  • It refers to work that is mentally, physically, socially or morally dangerous and harmful to children, and interferes with their schooling by depriving them of the opportunity to attend school, obliging them to leave school prematurely or requiring them to attempt to combine school attendance with excessively long and heavy work.
  • The statistical figures about child workers in the world have variation because of the differences in defining categories of age group and engagement of children in formal and informal sector.

LAW AND CHILD LABOUR

The policy curbing child labor exists but lack of enforcement of labour restrictions perpetuates child labour. This is manifested in variation in minimum age restriction in different types of employment. The International Labour Office reports that children work the longest hours and are the worst paid of all labourers. In India, the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act 1986 and Rules state that no child shall be employed or permitted to work in any of the occupations set forth in Part A of the Schedule or in any workshop wherein any of the processes set forth in Part B of the Schedule is carried on. For this purpose, “child” means a person who has not completed his 14th year of age. The Act prohibits employment of children in certain specified hazardous occupations and processes and regulates the working conditions in others. The list of hazardous occupations and processes is progressively being expanded on the recommendation of the Child Labour Technical Advisory Committee constituted under the Act.

FORMS OF CHILD LABOUR

Children are employed in both formal and informal sectors. Among the occupations wherein children are engaged in work are construction work, domestic work and small-scale industries. Incidentally, agriculture is not only the oldest but also the most common child occupation worldwide. Some of the industries that depend on child labor are bangle-making, beedi-making, power looms and manufacturing processes. These industries use toxic metals and substances such as lead, mercury, manganese, chromium, cadmium, benzene, pesticides and asbestos. Child labor is very harmful and wholehearted efforts to eliminate this should be done.

THE CONSEQUENCES OF CHILD LABOUR

  • The negative impact on the physiological and psychological levels of children includes specific concerns of child labour and its consequences on mental health. It is worth noting that one-third of children of the developing world are failing to complete even 4 years of education. The analysis of factors leading to engagement of children in hazardous factors elucidated socioeconomic factors as one of the important determinants. Poverty is considered as one of the contributory factors in child labour.
  • Mental well being is less frequently researched in child labour. A retrospective study in randomly examined 200 children working in the handicraft sector and found a high prevalence of respiratory, digestive and skin conditions, as well as mental health presentations such as migraines, insomnia, irritability, enuresis and asthenia.
  • In a cross-sectional survey, urban Lebanese children aged 10–17, working full-time in small industrial shops, were compared with non-working matched school children.
  • Majority of them had poor physical health, predominantly marked with skin lesions or ear complaints and social care needs.
  • Similarly, authors aimed to find out consequences in children in Lebanon exposed to solvents, and found significantly higher rates of lightheadedness, fatigue, impaired memory and depression compared with a non-exposed group.
  • A cross-sectional study in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, used diagnostic interviews to assess prevalence of mental disorders in 528 child laborers and street workers, child domestics and private enterprise workers aged between 5 and 15 years.
  • The prevalence of mental disorders was noted to be as high as 20.1% compared with 12.5% in the general population. Further study to establish the association between labor-related variables and mental health problems was carried out among 780 children engaged in labor (aged 9–18 years) in the Gaza Strip.
  • Mental health problems of children in labor were likely to be associated with socioeconomic determinants as well as factors related to their underage employment.
  • The physical and social consequences are deliberated by researchers; however, mental health area has not been explored so much. Studies are lacking even in Indian scenario regarding impact of child labor on mental health.

INTERVENTION AND CHILD LABOUR

  • Education is a very important part of development. Children who are drawn to child labor are basically driven because of economic deprivation, lack of schooling and engagement of family for daily needs.
  • Studies have found low enrollment with increased rates of child employment.
  • Schools are the platform for early intervention against child labor, as it restricts their participation in menial jobs. Hurdles in this approach are economic reasons. Unless economic change is brought about, the children will not be able to attend the school.
  • Child labor can be controlled by economic development increasing awareness and making education affordable across all levels, and enforcement of anti child labor laws.
  • The Government of India has taken certain initiatives to control child labor. The National Child Labor Project (NCLP) Scheme was launched in 9 districts of high child labor endemicity in the country. Under the scheme, funds are given to the District Collectors for running special schools for child labor. Most of these schools are run by the NGOs in the district. Under the scheme, these children are provided formal/informal education along with vocational training, and a stipend of Rs. 100 per month. Health check-up is also done for them.
  • Child labour is morally and ethically unacceptable. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) was the first international body that signed in 1989 the Convention on the Rights of the Children.
  • It is for the first time in history when children are seen as humans with rights rather than economic assets of their parents.
  • Child labour was defined as labor that harms the health of the children and deprives them of education rights. This law does not exclude children that work for their families.

CULTURAL BELIEFS AND CHILD LABOUR

Cultural beliefs have an important role in encouraging child labor. In developing countries, people believe that work has a constructive effect on character building and increases skill development in children. There is a tradition in these families, where children follow the parents’ footsteps and learn the job from an early age. Some cultural beliefs may contribute to the misguided concept that a girl’s education is not as important as a boy’s education, and therefore, girls are pushed into child labor as providers of domestic services. In India, not putting a child to work means the family would not make enough income to sustain their living. Socio-cultural aspects such as the cast system, discrimination, and cultural biases against girls contribute to child labor.

RELIGION AND CHILD LABOUR

It is generally accepted that parents have the fundamental right to educate and raise their children. Parents almost always try to act in the child’s best interest at the best of their knowledge and beliefs. In doing so, they are reasonably motivated by their intellectual growth, social development, and at times by spiritual salvation. Oftentimes, parents seek guidance in religion to shape the upbringing of their children and to enhance their progress. Hard work is among others, an important religious value to instill from a young age.

ARGUMENTS FAVORING CHILD LABOUR

Despite all these international and national measures against child labor, there are arguments in favor of child labor. Some argue that poor families would be even poorer without the supplemental financial contribution of children. Lack of money will deprive them of the basic needs of food and shelter which will decrease their survival rate. In addition, an increase in poverty would make children even more susceptible to exploitation.

The supporters of these ideas argue that the benefit of creating a safe workplace and allowing children to work is helpful in certain situations. They also emphasize that child work is not child labor as long as it does not interfere with schooling and children have safe workplace conditions with a limited number of hours per day.

CONCLUSION

Poverty is one of the important factors for this problem. Hence, enforcement alone cannot help solve it. The Government has been laying a lot of emphasis on the rehabilitation of these children and on improving the economic conditions of their families. Many NGOs like CARE India, Child Rights and Global March against Child Labour, etc., have been working to eradicate child labor in India. The child labor can be stopped when knowledge is translated into legislation and action, moving good intention and ideas into protecting the health of the children. The endurance of young children is higher and they cannot protest against discrimination. It is in this context that we have to take a relook at the landmark passing of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act 2009, which marks a historic moment for the children of India. For the first time in India’s history, children will be guaranteed their right to quality elementary education by the state with the help of families and communities. The world cannot reach its goal to have every child complete primary school by 2015 without India. Although there have been significant improvements in the proportion of children from socially disadvantaged groups in school, gaps still remain. Girls are still less likely to enroll in school than boys; in 2005, for upper primary school (Grades 6–8) girls’ enrollment was still 8.8 points lower than boys, for Scheduled Tribes (ST) the gender gap was 12.6 points and it was 16 points for Scheduled Castes (SC). RTE provides a ripe platform to reach the unreached, with specific provisions for disadvantaged groups such as child labourers, migrant children, children with special needs, or those who have a disadvantage owing to social, cultural economical, geographical, linguistic, gender or such other factors. Bringing 8 million out-of-school children into classes at the age-appropriate level with the support to stay in school and succeed poses a major challenge. Successful implementation of the Act would certainly go a long way in eradicating child labour in India.

Constitutional provisions on National Emergency

  • Federal law provides a variety of powers for the President to use in response to crisis, exigency, or emergency circumstances threatening the nation.
  • They are not limited to military or war situations. Some of these authorities, deriving from the Constitution or statutory law, are continuously available to the President with little or no qualification.
  • Others—statutory delegations from Congress—exist on a standby basis and remain dormant until the President formally declares a national emergency. Congress may modify, rescind, or render dormant such delegated emergency authority.
  • Until the crisis of World War I, Presidents utilized emergency powers at their own discretion.
  • Proclamations announced the exercise of exigency authority. During World War I and thereafter, Chief Executives had available to them a growing body of standby emergency authority that became operative upon the issuance of a proclamation declaring a condition of national emergency.
  • Sometimes such proclamations confined the matter of crisis to a specific policy sphere, and sometimes they placed no limitation whatsoever on the pronouncement.
  • National emergency has been declared in our country three times so far. For the first time, emergency was declared on 26th oct. 1962 after china attacked our borders in the North East. This National Emergency lasted till 10th January 1968, long after the hostilities ceased. For the second time, it was declared on 3rd December 1971 in the wake of second India-Pakistan War lifted on 21st March 1977.
  • While the second emergency on the basis of external aggression was in operation, third National Emergency called internal emergency was imposed on 25th June 1975. This emergency was declared on the ground of ‘internal disturbances’. Internal disturbances justified imposition of the emergency despite the fact that the government was already armed with the powers provided during the second National Emergency of 1971 which was still in operation.
  • The basic need for an emergency occurs whenever there is imbalance within the country, whether wholly or partly.
  • The ultimate aim and object of every government or political party is to secure good life and safe life to its citizen and the time we say citizen it means the public of country at large.
  • Whether we talk about the first emergency caused by china attack or the second or third emergency in all cases the social equilibrium of the country was imbalanced and security of citizen was on the stack.
  • Emergency though suspend the fundamental rights excluding those conferred in art.20 and art.21it does transfer the powers from the hand of state government to the hand of central government. But this all phenomenon took place just to secure its citizen. This is what the concept and policy of “welfare state” greatest happiness to greatest number.
  • Fundamental rights are given to individual and the only reason they are suspended during an emergency is to secure the people of country at large. Social interest is always upper then that of individual interest.
  • The constitution provides for three different kinds of abnormal situations which call for a departure from the normal governmental machinery set up by the constitution:-
  • An emergency due to war, external aggression or armed rebellion {art. 352}. It is also known as National Emergency.
  • Failure of constitutional machinery in states Art. 356
  • Financial emergency Art. 360

Fudamental Rights and Emergency:-

  • Fundamental rights are enrished in part III of the constitution. They are part of those rights which are necessary for the survival of human being with dignity.
  • These rights have been incorporated in the ‘fundamental law of land’ i.e. the constitution of India and one can approach courts in case of violation of these rights. These rights reflect a desire of the founding fathers of Indian Constitution to build a new social order.
  • For example, these are rights declaring practice of untouchability an offence.

Emergency provisions under the Indian constitution-

  • Part XVIII of the constitution permits the state to suspend various civil liberties and the application of certain federal principles during presidential proclaimed states of emergency.
  • The constitution for three categories of emergencies: a threat by, war of external aggression or by internal disturbances; a failure of constitutional machinery in the country or in a state; a threat to the financial security or credit of the nation or a part of it.
  • Under the first two categories, the fundamental rights with the exception of protection of life and liberty may be suspended and federal principles may be rendered inoperative.

National Emergency Article 352, 353, 354, 355, 358 and 359-

  • It is caused by war, external aggression or armed rebellion in the whole of India or a part of its territory. Such an emergency was declared in India in 1962(Indo-China war), 1965(Indo-pak war), 1971 and 1975(declared by Indira Gandhi to maintain law and order in the country).
  • The president can declare such an emergency only on the basis of written request by the Council of Ministers headed by the PM. Such a proclamation must be approved by the parliament within one month. Such an emergency can be imposed for six months. It can be extended by six months by repeated parliamentary approval.
  • In such an emergency, fundamental rights of the Indian citizens can be suspended. The six freedoms under right to freedom are automatically suspended. However, the right of life and personal liberty cannot be suspended. It modifies the formal system of government to the unitary one.
  • The parliament can make laws on 66 subjects of state list. Also all money bills are referred to the parliament for its approval. The term of Lok Sabha can be extended by the period of one year but not more than six months from the date when emergency has ceased to exist.

Effect of national emergency on the fundamental rights-

  • These are some cases where the fundamental right infringes during national emergency.

Makhan Singh vs State of Punjab, 1964

  • Emergency was declared on an earlier occasion during the Indo-China war. At the time the right to move any court for the enforcement of articles 14, 21 and 22 was suspended under Article 359 only for the persons detained under the defence of India Rules(DIR), the preventive detention law at that time. It was partial suspension. SC interpreted it to mean that rights were suspended only for legally detained persons. So if a person was legally detained under DIR, he could maintain the Habeus Corpus petition. It was for the first time during emergency imposed on 26th June 1975, that articles 14,19,21 and 22 were suspended the entirety, without any reference to any law. This time when detenues filed habeus corpus petition, a question was raised take article 21 being sole respository of liberty has been suspended in it’s totally, no writ of Habeus Corpus is maintainable. The government also sought to distinguish the earlier case of Makhan Singh on the different phraseology of the notification suspending the rights. Almost all the HC decided this question against the government. On that issue the matter was taken in appeal to the SC.
  • The SC held that it was impossible to accept that only right that can be suspended by an order made under article 359(1) was right guaranteed under Article 32(1) to move to the SC for the enforcement of fundamental rights and a citizen would be free to seek relief from HC under art. 226, art. 32(3) which enable parliament to empower any other court to exercise all or any of the power exercisable by the SC.
  • The SC pointing on that a citizen would not be deprived of his right to move the appropriate court for a writ of habeus corpus if his detention had been malafide.

Judicial Review-

  • Marking the black day of Indian legal history, the SC rejected the arguments of the respondents and held that art. 21 of the constitution was the sole repository of right to life and liberty.
  • Therefore, the suspension of it implied that all the remedies protecting this right under any other law shall also be suspended. The court while construing art.21 as the sole repository of life and personal liberty denied all available remedies to the detenus on any ground that any challenge to the detention order for the enforcement of the right to personal liberty under art. 21 could not be so done on account of the presidential order suspending it being in force.
  • The majority further held that even the order of detention could not be challenged even on any other ground, even if the detention order was passed malafide, rendering the detenu without any remedy even against an illegal detention.
  • Therefore, the court declared, ”in view of the Presidential order dated June 27th, 1975 no person has any locus standi to move any writ petition under ART. 226 before a HC for Habeus Corpus or any other writ or order or direction to challenge the legality of an order of detention on the ground that the order is not under or in compliance with the Act.

The 44th Amendment act, 1978-

It has made two important changes in art. 358:

  • Article 19 will suspend only when a proclamation of emergency is declared on the ground of war or external aggression and not when the emergency declared on the ground of armed rebellion.
  • It has inserted a new clause(2) in art. 358 which says that nothing in clause(1) shall apply to (a) any law which does not contain a recital to the effect that such a law is in relation to the proclamation of emergency,
    (b) To any executive action taken otherwise than under a law containing such a rectal. This clause make it clear the art. 358 will only protect emergency laws from being challenged in court of law and not other laws which are not related to the emergency laws from being challenged in court of law and not other laws which are not related to the emergency. Prior to this, the validity of even other laws, which were not related to emergency, could not be challenged under art. 358.
  • The 59th amendment has amended art. 358 and has inserted the word “or by armed rebellion or that the integrity of India is threatened by internal disturbance in the whole or any part of the territory of Punjab”. This means that, in case of Punjab, the right guaranted by art. 19 will be suspended also when emergency is declared on the ground of armed rebellion or internal disturbance.
  • The proclamation of emergency however does not invalidate a law which was valid before the proclamation of emergency.

Indian Foreign Policy after 2010

  • It examines continuity and change in Indian foreign policy since Narendra Modi took office.
  • It proceeds with analyzing six issues that dominated India’s foreign engagement between the prime ministerial regimes of Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh as a reference point.
  • To evaluate the level of change, it defines major change as a major shift in the goals and strategies of a state’s foreign policy and argues that most often a major change in foreign policy is a result of changes in the systemic variables followed by a change in either state- or individual-level variables.
  • Indian foreign policy under Modi is witnessing a proactive turn infused by a strong leadership. The new government has redefined India’s foreign policy priorities, and the level of external engagement has also gone up.
  • It is structured around four main factors that shape, power, and constrain any country’s foreign policy: history, geography, capability, and leadership.
  • However, areas like democracy promotion have not upheld their momentum, and the government’s regional policy has failed to utilize the opportunities that were available to it when it began its tenure.
  • Also, foreign policy changes under the new government cannot be regarded as a major change because the goals and strategies of Indian foreign policy have not changed.
  • During the Cold War, India’s international profile was above-all identified with non-alignment and solidarity with colonized, newly decolonized and other developing countries.
  • In the West, India was broadly tarred as moralistic and hypocritical. While this view conveniently ignored serial Western hypocrisies, it is true that India’s relations with some immediate neighbours hardly lived up to the standards it was preaching from global pulpits.
  • The end of the Cold War and internal economic pressures forced New Delhi to re-think of many of its international and economic policies.
  • Together, these shifts introduced a two-decade long evolution of Indian foreign policy not so much in a straight line as in a set of fits and starts.
  • By the turn of the century, the number of scholars and practitioners with in-depth knowledge of India multiplied worldwide. Within India, scholarship took a more critical turn, analysing the specificities of New Delhi’s international relationships, international objectives, and policy implementation.
  • Country and regional expertise began to incorporate new theoretical and methodological approaches. In consequence, the range of views and the community of scholars and practitioners interacting with each other grew significantly. And as India’s economic growth accelerated, the country’s international relations became much more relevant to a wide range of international actors.
  • Early on, Kanti Bajpai offers a rich essay on the relevant literature. From fairly intense interaction with the rest of the world, as of the late 1960s, India turned inwards and its academic links with the rest of the world began to diminish, while the Indian education system became more centralized.
  • Consequently, Indian scholars tended toward explicating and extolling official positions on international relations rather than questioning them.

It is structured around four main factors that shape, power, and constrain any country’s foreign policy: history, geography, capability, and leadership.

History

  • Although fragmented through most of the last three millennia into many smaller polities, in the modern period, India gradually became a unified territorial entity under the authority of the British Raj.
  • While the Raj tends to be remembered with a touch of nostalgia in the West, its legacy in India was far from an unalloyed blessing.
  • It laid the institutional basis of a modern state and sought to integrate India with the global economy, but its economic record was at best mixed, its administrative performance frequently feckless, and its political stance deeply and permanently divisive.
  • This experience profoundly shaped post-independence India and its foreign policy, breeding lasting suspicion of Western hegemony. However, the Raj also left a different, more positive legacy.
  • It incubated an Indian elite steeped in the values of political liberalism, which under the leadership of Nehru, built one of the earliest and most successful democracies outside the West.
  • Much like the Raj, which emulated the Mughal Empire in many ways, independent India incorporated many institutions left behind by the Raj, including armed forces subordinated to civilian control and an experienced-if-small bureaucracy, including a diplomatic staff.

Geography

  • Although India is, to a degree, cut off from neighbours by the Himalayas and by its extensive coast-line, its neighbourhood is a tough one, marked by competition and conflict. India’s most consequential and contentious land borders are with Pakistan and China. All three countries are armed with nuclear weapons.
  • India also shares borders with Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan. In India’s mind, Afghanistan is a close and important neighbour, even though territorial contiguity was extinguished in 1947 with the creation of Pakistan and loss of the Northern Areas of Kashmir in the 1947–48 Kashmir conflict.
  • Across the seas, India considers Sri Lanka and the Maldives as close neighbours, while it also enjoys a special relationship with Mauritius, whose population is of mostly Indian origin, despite considerable geographic distance.
  • Beyond these immediate neighbours, India’s extended neighbourhood includes Iran and the Persian Gulf, and through Myanmar and across the Indian Ocean shades into South-East Asia.
  • Meanwhile, India’s large and entrepreneurial Diaspora extends India’s sense of connection to Malaysia and Singapore in South-East Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, and to other lands as distant as Fiji.
  • With Saudi Arabia and the sheikhdoms of the Gulf fast-developing their countries, large Indian Diasporas provide some of the mid-level professional and much other labour required by the ambitious infrastructure and wider economic plans of these countries.
  • India’s growing energy demand is met by ever-expanding energy imports from the oil-rich Middle East and has provided a strong economic interdependence with the region.

Capability

  • A country’s capability depends on a number of factors, but none is more important than the health and dynamism of its economy. On this score, until the 1980s, India’s record was generally dismal.
  • At independence, India accounted for less than 2% of global wealth, despite having 345 million people to provide for. While the colonial state had integrated India into the first wave of globalisation and fostered some industrialisation, its share of the global GDP and trade steadily diminished after independence until the 1980s.
  • When the British started their expansion into India in 1700, the country accounted for 24–25% of global production, according to studies cited in the volume. The UK’s GDP at the time amounted to little more than 11% of India’s, but by 1947 it exceeded India’s by half.
  • Looked at another way, India’s GDP per capita remained essentially flat during the 200 years of British domination, while the UK’s GDP per capita increased five-fold. Thus, Nehru and his colleagues in 1947 faced a very bleak economic picture.
  • Since then, a constant until quite recently was India’s weak capability to implement its international ambitions, in the instances when it was able to formulate them.
  • Indeed, policy in a number of fields has been confused and contradictory.
  • For example, this volume advances a strong argument that India’s often-large weapons imports are necessitated by the failure of much of its defence industry to provide high-quality output, which stands in contrast to successful nuclear weapons and space programmes.
  • As of the 1990s India’s private sector came into its own, as discussed by Rajiv Kumar in chapter 19.
  • The Indian private sector boasts a number of highly successful business empires, but many of these companies, such as Mittal Steel, succeed better outside India than within due to the domestic burdens of bureaucracy, corruption, and frequent contestation.
  • The outlook for India’s economy, while hopeful, is still clouded by uncertainty over whether such systemic challenges will be overcome.

Leadership

  • Two Indians stand out globally as among the twentieth century’s most appealing leaders.
  • The first is Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, who drove India’s 40-year independence movement, but never held political office and was assassinated in 1948, and thus does not appear much in the volume.
  • Second is Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minster of independent India, who advocated passionately for those still under the colonial yoke while helping to shape the notion of non-alignment in the unforgiving climate of the Cold War.
  • His daughter, Indira Gandhi, gained some admirers internationally, but made few friends for India.
  • India’s first nuclear test in 1974 alarmed much of the world, and led to a form of purdah (seclusion) for India among nations endowed with nuclear technology. Nevertheless, she remains wildly popular among her own people as a leader who “stood up for India”.
  • No subsequent leaders rivalled Nehru and Indira Gandhi on the world stage.
  • Rajiv Gandhi championed the fight against apartheid but also launched an ill-fated military intervention in Sri Lanka under the guise of peacekeeping between 1987-90, and he initiated moves that would influence the transformation of Indian foreign policy during the 1990s and beyond. 
  • Of his successors, Narasimha Rao (1991–96) stands out as having engineered India’s deft response to the end of the Cold War. I. K. Gujral consistently championed more generous relationships with India’s neighbours under the so-called Gujral Doctrine.
  • Atal Bihari Vijpayee, Prime Minister in 1996 and again in 1998–2004, was the first government leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and proved a deft hand both at engaging Pakistan while also skilfully dealing with Islamabad’s military venture into Indian-held territory at Kargil in 1999.
  • The two Congress-led coalition governments of 2004–09 and 2009–14 will be remembered above all for the delicate and controversial dance between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the administration of US President George W. Bush to secure an agreement on civil nuclear cooperation in 2008, notwithstanding the fact that most of India’s international nuclear cooperation ground to a halt in the wake of the sweeping Civil Nuclear Liability Act passed by the Indian Parliament in 2010.
  • With the BJP’s arrival in power in 2014, the country’s new prime minister, Narendra Modi, playing against expectations, launched a charm offensive vis-à-vis India’s neighbours, including Pakistan.
  • He radiated intent to see India prosper, not least due to greater international investment and trade.
  • However, his confident style and the growing global relevance of India have not yet, beyond tone, yielded significant change in India’s international stance, which could well evolve in years ahead as it is still very early days for his government.

Multilateral matters

  • During Dr Singh’s years, India’s international profile grew in tandem with the country’s economic success.
  • New Delhi articulated a strong claim to a greater role in global governance, which was achieved to a certain extent with the creation of the Group of 20 at the head of state level in 2008 and by the creation of new plurilateral forums such as the BRICS.
  • One chapter discusses the importance of the UN in Indian foreign policy going back to its early years, while another addresses India’s growing voice and growing frustrations within a number of international institutions.
  • India’s position on climate change is considered in a forward-looking chapter near the volume’s end. While recognizing the need to act on the issue domestically, Delhi has maintained an increasingly lonely position at the global level favouring the “status quo” established by the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, unlike China.

Key relationships

  • It is the unhappy lot of editors to have to make choices. This responsibility came into focus most sharply when we began to discuss India’s most important relationships beyond its immediate vicinity.
  • Some, like the USA, Western Europe and the Russian Federation were obvious. Others required greater thought. We ultimately provided for two chapters on India’s relationships with Africa, one on Brazil and another on Israel (having dealt with the Persian Gulf states, as part of India’s extended neighbourhood).
  • New Delhi’s relationship with Tokyo has been intensifying, particularly since the election of Shinzo Abe as Prime Minister of Japan in 2012, in part as a result of tectonic shifts underway in Asia related to the accelerated rise of China, and in part because Prime Ministers Abe and Modi had developed a close political relationship going back a number of years.
  • Though not discussed in depth here, India–Japan relations will be the focus of a separate volume, in some ways a spin-off of this one, to be published by OUP in January 2016 with distinguished and exciting contributors from both countries, edited by Rohan Mukherjee and Anthony Yazaki.
  • In considerable part, the intellectual establishment’s lack of imagination stems from its paucity of trained international affairs specialists. Shocking though it may seem, in a country of over a billion people, perhaps only a dozen or so political analysts are of truly global stature.
  • Other factors are also likely to constrain partnership with the United States.
  • India’s political order has become increasingly federalized, and despite the existence of at least two national parties, it is unlikely that either will be able to form a national government of its own in the foreseeable future.
  • That means India’s ruling party will be forced to pursue a compromise foreign policy. Thanks to the exigencies of coalition politics, for example, the United Progressive Alliance government in New Delhi has been forced to shelve a decision to allow investment from foreign multibrand retail stores like Wal-Mart.
  • Similarly, a carefully negotiated water-sharing agreement with Bangladesh also fell prey to the demands of a fractious coalition partner.
  • Finally, the United States and India cannot paper over some fundamental differences of interest. The two countries remain at odds over how best to deal with Iran’s apparent quest for nuclear weapons.
  • Even though most Indian policymakers view Iran’s nuclear pursuit with concern, they will not endorse unilateral military action against the country.
  • India remains dependent on Iranian oil and natural gas, it has a substantial Shiite population, and, above all, it is extremely uncomfortable with the unilateral exercise of U.S. military power against recalcitrant regimes.
  • In fact, India becomes particularly concerned when regimes are forcibly ousted because of their human rights records, as in NATO’s action against Libya.
  • In considerable part, this fear stems from India’s own domestic infirmities and its uneven record in suppressing domestic insurgencies.
  • Admittedly, the notion that any country would militarily target India over its human rights record seems far-fetched, but the concern nevertheless animates Indian thinking about the subject.
  • Undoubtedly, the India of today is a far cry from the poverty-stricken, militarily weak, socially fractured, and diplomatically isolated country of the Cold War.
  • Nevertheless, unless its leadership can tackle problems from corruption to bureaucratic stagnation to political dysfunction, its hope for global standing in the 21st century will remain just a hope.

STRIKE AND LOCK-OUT

The industrial dispute act, 1947 enacted for investigation & settlement of industrial disputes, to prevent illegal strike & lock-out and to provide relief to workman in case of lay-off & retrenchment.

STRIKE:-

  • It defined in sec. 2(q). It means ceasation of work by a body of persons employed in any industry acting in combination.
  • It can be defined in another word stoppage of work by a body of workman bring pressure upon the employer.
  • A concreted refusal of any no. of persons has been employed in any industry.
  • Dispute b/w employer & his workers.
  • A refusal under a common understanding of any no. of persons has been employed in any industry.
  • Ceasation of work even for half hour amount to a strike.

Essential of strike:

  1. Ceasation of work by worker
  2. Stoppage must be within common intention.

Kinds of Strike:

  1. General strike:

Come together+ common cause+ stay away+ but long period of time.

In this strike labour has need to run factory.

  • Token strike:

Come together+ common cause+ stay away+ but short period of time.

  • Stay-in-strike:

It is called tools-down-strike & pens-down-strike. It is a strike where workman has problem in duties then they do not work.
Come to the work+ occupy their duty+ but do not work.

  • Go- slow:

Come to the work+ occupy their duty+ but they work very slowly.

  • Hunger Strike
  • Work to rule:

Workers do not observe their duties and not perform rules but it is not strike because there is no stoppage of work at all.

LOCK-OUT:-

It defined in sec. 2(i) of the industrial dispute act, 1947. It is a weapon in the hands of employer shuts down his place of business or pressure upon the employees.

Essential of lock-out:

  1. Refusal of er to continued
  2. Suspension of work
  3. Closure of place of employment

Prohibition of strike & lock-out:

  • Section 22 of the act deal with this. This sec. applies strike & lock-out in industries carrying on public utility service.
  • It is not absolutely prohibited in this sec. but the certain requirement must be fulfilled by wm.

Right to strike & lock-out:

  • Case: Kameshwar vs. State of Bihar, 1962

In the case Supreme Court held that it is not fundamental right, it is statutory right.

  • Case: All India Bank Employee Association  Vs. National Industrial Tribunal

It was held that right to go on strike is not included within the ambit of freedom of speech & expression.

General prohibitions of strike & lock-out:

  • Section 23 of the act deal with this.
  • It apply on both public utility service as well as non-public utility establishments.
  • Case: Bharat Petroleum Corp. ltd vs Petroleum Union

Bombay court held that Sec. 22 &23 mandates that no person under these section shall go on strike when proceeding are pending before the authorities.

Penalties for illegal strike & lock-out:-

It deals with the section 26.

Sec. 26(1) two conditions must be fulfilled-

  1. A workman must commence, continue or in some other manner act in furtherance of a strike.
  2. Such strike must be illegal under the act.

If any workman found guilty participated in illegal strike then he shall be punishable with imprisonment Rs. 50 fine & one month imprisonment.

Sec. 26(2) two conditions must be fulfilled-

  1. A workman must commence, continue or in some other manner act in furtherance of a lock-out.
  2. Such lock-out must be illegal under the act.

If any workman found guilty participated in illegal lock-out then he shall be punishable with imprisonment Rs. 1000 fine & one month imprisonment.

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